The Caprivi Strip – Under Changing Administration

The previous episode focused on the history of the Caprivi until the German administration, which ended with the First World War.

As from 1914 the area was placed under South African military rule. In 1921, the British High Commissioner for South Africa administered it as part of Bechuanaland. According to this regulation the East Caprivi fell under the responsibility of the commissioner at Kasane, while the magistrate of Maun was responsible for the West Caprivi. In 1929, the area was handed over to the South West Africa Administration. The administrative centre of East Caprivi was moved to Katima Mulilo in 1935. As from 1939, the area east of the Kwando River resorted under the Minister of Native Affairs, later the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, while the administration of West Caprivi was placed under the authorities in Windhoek.

An ox-drawn sleigh with water barrel in the eastern MaSubiya-area (1980). Photo: Antje Otto; Collection: National Museum

As a result of increasing poverty, discriminatory laws and the Administration’s failure to provide education and medical services the people of East Caprivi felt neglected and oppressed. In 1958, nationalism gave rise to the formation of the short-lived Caprivi African National Union (CANU) and its president was Brendan Kangongolo Simbwaye. In 1972, the East Caprivi area received its own Legislative Assembly with limited powers, which substituted the old order of a magistrate or native commissioner. The launch of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) in 1977 introduced the process of returning the people of East Caprivi into the administrative ambit of South West Africa.

After years of underlying tribal conflicts between the MaSubiya and MaFwe regarding the demarcation of the borderline, the South African Administrator-General for South West Africa in 1982 announced a border commission headed by the experienced government ethnologist, Dr Kuno Budack. However, both parties rejected the proposals, which were made after in-depth investigations.

A further reason for the conflicts was a power struggle between the two major tribal groups, the MaSubiya and MaFwe, as the former demanded a superior position in the area. In May 1993, the so-called ‘Katima Declaration of National Reconciliation’ was signed under the chairmanship of the Minister of Local Government and Housing, Dr Libertine Amathila. Although the equal status of both groups and their chiefs was reaffirmed, tensions between the two groups soon mounted again. In addition, disappointment and mistrust was growing among the BaYeyi, who no longer supported the MaFwe alliance of which they had been loyal supporters for more than a century. In 1993 they elected their own chief, who was confirmed in his position by the Namibian government according to the Traditional Authorities Act in 1995. Two years later the BaMashi under chief Mayuni also split from the MaFwe.

Caprivi (ox-drawn sleigh), series of four stamps, issued in 1986

During the mid-1990s, a group of secessionists, who called themselves the ‘Caprivi Liberation Army’, started a unified resistance under the leadership of Albert Mishake Muyongo. The movement was mainly aimed at identifying the people of Caprivi as ‘Caprivians’ and not as ‘Namibians’ and conceiving Caprivi as a separate independent nation. An armed attack, which was planned on 2 August 1999, was uncovered and many of the leaders were arrested, while some managed to escape into exile.

Since Namibia’s independence repeated demands were put forward to replace the German names ‘Caprivi’ and ‘Schuckmannsburg’. Yet, there is no uniformly accepted name for the whole area of East Caprivi. Controversial opinions relate to the often-suggested name ‘Itenge’ and its exact boundaries. To indicate small specific areas within the East-Caprivi the local population used other names, e.g. ‘Kuhane’ and ‘Livanga’. The name generally favoured is ‘Lyambai’ – the SiLozi name for the Zambezi River. The indigenous name for Schuckmannsburg is ‘Luhonono’, which is derived from the many large Terminalia sericea trees, which grow there.

Namibia Tourism Board syndicates customized Facebook app for tour operators

As part of its new Conservation Destination online marketing campaign, the Namibia Tourism Board is taking the unusual step of of syndicating a co-branded and customizable Facebook app for tour operators. http://ow.ly/awDv1

The Caprivi Strip – Result of a Diplomatic Blunder

The question that often crosses people’s minds is why the Caprivi Strip, which reaches far into the heart of the Southern African subcontinent and has its independent multi-facetted history, was demarcated in its present form and is part of Namibia.

The area known as the Caprivi Strip became part of German South West Africa as a result of the so-called Helgoland-Zanzibar Treaty, which was signed between Germany and Great Britain on 1 July 1890. With this Germany was hoping to gain access to its land properties in East Africa via the Zambezi River. Although the main concern of the treaty was the exchange of the British island Helgoland and the German territorial claims on Zanzibar, Germany also insisted that it was allocated the land strip between the Okavango and Zambezi Rivers. The area was initially known as ‘German Barotseland’ or ‘German Zambezi Region’, but was later named ‘Caprivi’ Strip after the then German Imperial Chancellor Georg Leo Count von Caprivi. The borders of the area were demarcated according to geographical degrees of latitude and longitude or rivers without taking the local inhabitants into consideration. The exact demarcation of the various border sections was a long process and was only finalized in 1933.

Caprivi (map), series of four stamps, issued in 1986

The Caprivi Strip consists of the narrow piece between the Okavango and Kwando Rivers and the area of East-Caprivi situated east of the Kwando. Some Khwe and small groups of Mbukushu formerly occupied the mostly waterless West-Caprivi. In addition, it was an area of conflict between the BaLozi of Barotseland and the BaTawana of Ngamiland during the 19th century. Although some Khwe still occupy certain parts of it today, the area is a conservation area, which includes the Bwabwata National Park in the north.

The people of East-Caprivi, who form part of the Zambezi tribes, are not related to the other Bantu-speaking inhabitants of Namibia and comprise the BaLozi, BaSubiya, MaFwe, HaMbukushu, BaYeyi, MaTotela, MaMbalangwe and BaMashi, as well as some Khwe.

Since the 17th century the BaLozi, who were living in the Barotse Kingdom north of the Zambezi, dominated and enslaved these tribes. A temporary change was introduced by the terror regime of the Zulu chief Shaka in Natal in the early 1800s. As a result smaller tribes escaped to the north and as far as they proceeded, came into conflict with local groups. In 1830, a group of BaSotho origin, known as the MaKololo, settled under their chief Sebetwane in Old-Linyanti, which is the present Sangwali. They subjugated Barotseland and the area of East Caprivi and founded the Kololo kingdom. Under Sebetwane’s successor Sekeletu they gradually lost power and in 1864 the Lozi chief Sepopa defeated them decisively. The era of Sepopa and that of his successor Lewanika were characterized by cruel suppression and slavery. Only through the influence of the French missionaries 30,000 slaves were released in 1906. The language of the MaKololo, which stems from SeSotho, later became a mixed language, which took up many elements of SiLozi and is still used in the area today.

Border river between East Caprivi and Zambia: The Zambezi at Katima Mulilo. Photo: Archive of Allgemeine Zeitung

Although Germany had taken possession of the Caprivi Strip, it delayed the opening up and development of this remote area for a long time. Only in 1909 Captain Kurt Streitwolf was sent out as representative. On the banks of the Zambezi River he built a station, which he named Schuckmannsburg after the then German Governor Bruno von Schuckmann. Streitwolf immediately set out to create an administrative structure, which was based on the traditional political system of the local people. This effectively meant that the population was given the opportunity to rid themselves from slavery and dependence and to elect or reaffirm their own chiefs and representatives. During their five-and-half year stay in Caprivi, Streitwolf and his successors managed to gain the confidence of the population. The First World War ended the German era.

Continuation on further developments in the Caprivi in the next episode.

The Nama Padloper – Uniquely Namibian

Tortoises have always held a special fascination and attraction for us. With their timeless appearance and ponderous way of life on top of it they epitomise ‘prudence’ and ‘longevity’ like no other creature. But despite these characteristics and their appeal tortoises have been, and still are, on the menu in numerous cultures around the world. In many cases this has resulted in a drastic decrease of various tortoise populations. Continue reading

One of the seven tortoise species found in Namibia: the Nama Padloper. Photo: Alfred Schleicher

Gondwana Supports Katutura Soap Project

Lacally sourced, ethical, handmade and eco friendly soaps

Katutura Soap Project is a community-based non-profit project that focuses on helping HIV positive women and their children. It started in Windhoek, Namibia, in November 2009. The project produces 100% hand-made soap of Namibian olive oil.

 

In the beginning the purpose of the project was to train these women everyday skills, generate income and employ women whom are stigmatized in their lives. Today the Katutura Soap Project focuses also on empowerment of the community through different HIV related events, such as Support Group for HIV positive ladies. continue reading

OvaHimba – The Ekori-Headdress of the Women

In contrast to all other Namibian culture groups, the OvaHimba have retained their age-old prescribed sets of skin clothes, headdresses and ornaments due to their natural conservatism and geographic isolation until fairly recently. Traditionally, the OvaHimba are pastoralists and the majority still follows a semi-nomadic way of life. They are OtjiHerero-speaking and live in the arid northwestern parts of Namibia and in South Western Angola. Their social structure is characterized by the practice of double descent, which means that a person’s kinship ties are traced both matrilineally as well as patrilineally.

Himba, issued in 2002, artist: Mary Jane Volkmann

Upon marriage, a young woman will leave her parents’ homestead (onganda) and will move to that of her husband. Both, men and women wear various headdresses, of which each symbolizes a specific position within the community and a specific phase in life. Girls of pre-puberty age wear a variety of plaitlets, while slightly older girls wear loose-hanging strands, which are tied backwards after the initiation ceremony, thus denoting marriageable age. In the past, all newly married women wore the so-called ekori-headdress, which was worn until the first child was born or until a period of twelve to eighteen months had passed. However, already during the 1980s, the wearing of the ekori had become increasingly uncommon, possibly as a result of the effort involved to make it, and today it is seldom seen except during ceremonial occasions. The ekori is made of tanned sheep- or goatskin and has three leaf-shaped prongs, which resemble the ears of cattle.

The young woman, instructed by older women, makes the ekori herself. The upper section of the ekori is kept in its vertical position by reinforcing parts studded with iron beads. The structure of the ekori can vary considerably but the rolled-up veil in front and the three prongs are always retained. Women wearing the ekori, are subject to a large number of taboos, such as food restrictions and the observance of special rules of conduct in the husband’s onganda. After a woman has given birth to her first child or when the village head considers the taboo-period as over, he will invite her to participate in the meat tasting ceremony (makera) one day. Once she has participated in this ceremony, she is regarded a fully-fledged member of her husband’s patrilineage. Closely related to the makera-ceremony is another ceremony whereby her ekori is removed. One morning, while she is milking, the village head enters the cattle enclosure unobserved and tears the ekori off her head.

Ekori headdress (1930s). Photo: CHL Hahn (Collection Antje Otto)

He hides it somewhere and the young woman, obviously much ashamed of being without a headdress, is given the erembe-headdress instead. In recent times, women generally wear a strip of brown cloth or leather during the period between the first and second child’s birth. It is attached above the forehead and its loose end points to the back. The erembe-headdress, which is made of the head skin of a sheep or goat, is worn throughout most of a woman’s life in everyday life. Even old women may wear the erembe, which indicates that they still play an active role in their communities. An essential part of women’s headdresses are the plaits, which are gradually lengthened. For this purpose they may even buy hair from other women. Red ochre paste (otjize) is applied to all body parts, clothes and blankets. It is obtained from red ochre stones, which are found at a local mine and ground into a fine substance. The powder is mixed with fat and carried in ox horn containers (onya). During her later lifetime a woman wears the ekori-headdress only during times of bereavement or mourning, e.g. upon the death of her husband or during certain other ceremonies. If a woman passes away, her corpse is taken to the grave in full dress, including her ekori, which is only removed together with necklaces and clothing just before the funeral. Her ekori is handed back to her family as a visual sign of her death.

The peculiar Tower of Tiras

The designer’s and builder’s name is Siegfried Schnebel. “This is a windmill which I designed and built myself”, he explains in an interview in his house near Brakwater north of Windhoek. “There is an unusually strong supply of water there, just 30 m below the surface. I wanted to utilize it for irrigating orchards and fodder plants.”

There is farm Neiseb which Siegfried Schnebel took over from his father, Wilhelm, in 1985. The fact that Neiseb has a lavish supply of water was already known during colonial times. “Wells for ox-wagon transports were sunk in this area in those days. The lower one of the two cisterns on my tower was part of the former drinking trough for the oxen. It is made of 5 mm steel plates.” While his father owned the farm, 60 cubic metres of water could easily be pumped per hour without any noticeable effect on the water table. It seemed obvious that this abundance of water should be put to good use. Wilhelm Schnebel had already planted 400 citrus trees, 50 sultana vines, 700 prickly pears (ideal fodder) and a little lucerne. “Date palms also thrived like weeds”, Siegfried Schnebel recalls.

Gigantic windmill on a massive tower

“The problem is that you need a powerful engine for pumping the water to the surface, and it wouldn’t have been worth it to install smaller windmills at several smaller boreholes.” The largest windmills on the market, however, weren’t sturdy enough to hold out against the high winds in the area, he says. “So I came up with a construction of my own, specially designed for the requirements of my farm.”

A large wheel was necessary for the high output of the pump. “But the larger the wheel the bigger the problems in very windy conditions”, Siegfried Schnebel explains. A standard wheel with metal blades was not an option. Too rigid, says Schnebel. “All is well as long as there is just a light wind. But in order to cope with high winds one needs to be able to adjust the angle of the blades to the direction of the wind, to reduce the pressure on the tower.” What is more, metal blades would have made the large wheel too heavy. “Therefore I used steel tubes for the wheel’s rim and axle only; the spokes are made from light wire rope and canvas is attached to the rope. This reduced the wheel’s weight to about 100 kg only, despite its diameter of 9.5 metres”, Schnebel points out with a hint of pride in his voice.

Resourceful handyman: Siegfried Schnebel

To make the sails equally suitable for strong and light wind they were arranged in two circles. In the inner circle their angle to the wind direction is 10 degrees, in the outer circle it is 45 degrees. Siegfried Schnebel explains: “Due to the higher leverage of the sails in the inner circle they push the wheel when the wind is blowing strongly, while the outer circle keeps it moving when the wind is light.” The blades of customary windmills are set at a 10 degree angle, Schnebel says, and turn out of the wind when it becomes too strong. The unusually long axle of his construction also serves a purpose: joined to the rim at the top with wire rope, it maintains stability and prevents the sail-covered wheel from turning inside out like an umbrella in heavy gusts of wind.

As for the rest of the construction, stability is the most important criterion as well. “The foundation is 10 m square and 2 m deep, made of carefully packed stones and diagonal iron struts which support the vertical steel pillars”, says Schnebel. “After all, the whole tower has a total weight of some 50 tons when both cisterns are full.” According to his estimate the total height of his windmill is a little less than 25 m: “The wheel’s axle is about 20 m above ground.”

Axle and rim are linked by a mesh of wire rope

Costs were also an important consideration when building the windmill. “Since the farm didn’t yield much I tried to get hold of construction material as cheaply as possible”, Schnebel recalls. “I got most of it from my brother’s scrapyard; Fritz ran a locksmith’s workshop in Lüderitz and later in Windhoek.” Building and constructing, by the way, was done without drawings or model calculations. “I simply experimented a bit, trial and error”, Schnebel says. But the experimenting wasn’t altogether by chance. Schnebel studied mathematics at the University of Stellenbosch and completed a Master of Science degree. He taught mathematics, physics and chemistry at the German School in Lüderitz for years.

In 1997 the work was almost complete. Only the irrigation system had to be installed. But at that point Siegfried Schnebel felt compelled to sell the farm. “It just didn’t yield enough”, he says. And so the giant windmill was never really in operation. He once got it going for the camera crew of NBC television. The documentary was aired in 2001.

Today the tower, citrus trees and prickly pears are all that remains of the plantation which was once envisaged at the foot of the Tiras Mountains on the fringe of the Namib. And a small café, closed down again since then, on the neighbouring farm on the opposite side of the road, overlooking the striking structure. Many a traveller stops and reaches for his camera. Small wonder. In the grassy plain the colossal contraption, welded together from pieces of scrap metal, looks like the futuristic work of an off-beat artist. Who knows, it might still turn into a tourist attraction one day – as the Peculiar Tower of Tiras.